The Republic of Moldova - A short history
From the SSR, to the „Transnistrian War”, to modern times 1989-2023
A word before
This article is meant to give you, the reader, a quick introduction into the history of the Republic of Moldova. I have tried throughout this text to keep objectivity to the highest level and to present the truth – whatever I might have left out, willingly or unwillingly, is of course a motive for everyone to continue to dig deeper to try to understand but, I consider that this is only a short and easy to read journey through 34 years of Moldovan history.
The case of the Republic of Moldova is extremely important because it gives insight to the original “Ukraine Plan” – it is the actual beginning of the Russian Modus Operandi in their effort to control the former soviet republics.
Also, since I am addressing foreign readers, I will continue to make a distinction throughout the text between “Moldovans” and “Romanians” for easier understanding, while also keeping in mind that it is a false distinction since there are no real differences between them. The same goes for the “Moldovan language” and the “Romanian language”, which are the same, with small regional differences, while the former is a soviet construct put in place to denationalize Romanians from Basarabia and its sole distinction is that it is basically Romanian written in Cyrillic which is meant to be a gateway to Russian.
“PMR” – “Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic” – “Transnistria”
Soviet – Governing Council
SSR – Soviet Socialist Republic
RSFSR – Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic
USSR – Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Raion – County/District
Moldova and Republic of Moldova are two separate things – the former represents the greater region of Moldova which includes the Republic of Moldova (Basarabia), the latter is the result of the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact/USSR. For the purpose of this article, I will continue to call the Republic of Moldova, Moldova, as well.
The Republic of Moldova
1989 is the year when revolutions started behind the Iron Curtain, most peaceful, some violent, but the Soviet Union finally fell into dissolution on the 26th of December 1991.
The socio-economic situation was dire after Perestroika and Glasnost failed and the SSR of Moldova found itself at the periphery of a convulsing and dying empire. National rebirth of the constituent republics had been in full fledge since the early ‘80s, while the leadership of the USSR was desperately trying to find solutions for stopping the dissolution.
Even before declaring its independence, the hope for freedom was high after such a long process of russification, assimilation and general oppression from the Kremlin. Of course, there was a fervor of reunification with Romania after the region was annexed in the Second World War, but the reality was that it was lower than what the soviets made it out to be.
As more than two million Romanians/Moldovans had been deported from Basarabia (R.Moldova) between 1940 and 1956[1][2][3], the ethnical composition was not necessarily heterogenous, with a strong majority represented by Moldovans, but in some areas population displacement had occurred while other nationalities were brought in, such as it had been the case for all soviet republics. On a more personal note, my grandfather was a refugee after being deported from North Bucovina (Cernăuți/Chernivtsi Județ/Raion). Not all were fortunate like him to arrive in Romania, most of them were sent to Siberia. Not many survived the trip, let alone return.
On the 1st of September 1989 the official language of the SSR of Moldova was changed from Russian, to “Moldovan”, an action considered a bold move by the Moldovan authorities from the Kremlin’s point of view, but still a compromise, viewed as such by both the Moldovans and the Romanians[4]. The law mentioned the “linguistic moldo-romanian identity” and changed the writing from Cyrillic to the Latin-Romanian alphabet. It also guaranteed the use of Ukrainian, Russian, Bulgarian, Ivrit, Yiddish, Gypsy and languages of other ethnic groups living on the territory of the Republic, in order to meet their national-cultural needs.
The year 1990 brought further change to SSR of Moldova (a change which acknowledged the truth kept hidden by Ribbentrop-Molotov and soviets, that Moldova and Romania had the same culture and history) when Moldova adopted the old traditional flag (blue, yellow, red[5]) which is the same as Romania’s, with the traditional coat of arms of Moldova in the middle which also appears in the Romanian coat of arms[6], also dropping “Soviet” and “Socialist” from its name, while later in 1991 the national anthem was made the same as Romania’s “Deșteaptă-te române!”[7].
These changes were seen by many as an inevitable path towards reunification and Lukyanov (one of the architects of several conflicts, such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Narva and Salcininkai) and Gorbachev actually warned Mircea Snegur, the president of R. Moldova, of a future dismantling (The statement confirmed in “Transnistria 1989-1992: Cronica unui război “nedeclarat”", a book by Ion Costaș, the former Minister of the Interior of Moldova in the Russo-Moldovan War, also known as “The Transnistrian War”, also by Mircea Snegur the president of Moldova and later by the president of the Russian Duma, Selezniov).
Both “Găgăuzia” and “Transnistria” scenarios had been planned for the small nation to stop a potential reunification with Romania. In both regions agitation for autonomy and federalization, at first, and for independence, later, was happening.
Foreign agents were brought in the “Transnistrian” region over the years, strikes were started and propaganda was going through the roof, while general motives for “dissent” were being portrayed as an attempt to stop the so-called “ethnic cleansing” and “oppression” by the Moldavian government in its effort to “assimilate” ethnic minorities on the territory of Moldova, and finally to stop the “romanization” of Moldova. It was done in such a degree, that most of the members of the so-called “Transnistrian” government were never born in Moldova, did not speak a word of Romanian and had no links to Moldova to speak of before their moving there, 20 out of 36 leaders of “Transnistria” came there not long before the beginning of those unfortunate events that started in 1990[8].
These agents made sure to liquidate any government agencies and links with the Republic of Moldova and to substitute them with their own entities[9], while also discarding the Moldovan/Romanian language, in favor of Russian.
An extremely important point to mention here is that during the soviet rule, the “Transnistrian” region was made the industrial and economic force of SSR of Moldova, while also accounting to only 17% of the population and suffering vast processes of immigration and deportation as to replace the native population with the more soviet-friendly ones. This was a guarantee, as it has been in other soviet republics, that this easily conquered piece of land can be annexed in case of troubles and that this possibility can be used as leverage by the USSR.
Another great way to recognize that the Russo-Moldovan War was the start of other conflicts between Russia and the ex-soviet republics and the inception of the same applied plan is by observing the language that the “separatists” used to publicly refer to their opposition. “Fascists”, “nazis” and “executioners” were they calling the Moldovan authorities. It is indeed correct for me to mention that all parties took part in name-calling and the overall atmosphere was aggressive in language, with numerous insults flying between Chișinănu and Comrat (“Găgăuzia”), respectively Tiraspol (“Transnistria”).
Also, both in “Găgăuzia” and “Transnistria” propaganda was being disseminated, such as: “Illegal arms are being brought into Moldova to form riflemen corps for killing and oppressing the ethnic minorities”, “They will organize squads to repress the population in Bugeac”, “The Moldavians will invade the găgăuz people”, “Fascistization/nazification of the Moldovan government”, “The Romanians will come and oppress Moldovans(sic!) on the left side of the Dniester” and so on – typical Russian disinformation. All in all, various messages with diverse subjects were tried, but the most successful ones were the ones aimed at a paranoid Romanophobia.
After what we now know to be a typical modus operandi for the Russians, the so-called breakaway republics of “Transnistria” and “Găgăuzia” declared independence unilaterally within the USSR. Later, after being rejected, being more useful for Moscow as they were, they appealed to be integrated into the Russian Federation. Even the adepts of the self-proclaimed “Republic of Transnistria” stated that they had used a trick, covered as a “mistake”, while the scope of decisions were to make “Transnistria” an autonomous region within the SSR of Moldova, they had actually proclaimed its independence, while also agreeing that if initially stated as such in the “referendums”, the results would not have been nearly the same[10]. These “referendums” were later organized and the results for “independence” came, under the threat of machine guns, while also making sure that the ethnic composition of the voters was made up in majority by ethnic Russians and Ukrainians. They also invited “foreign observers” to take part of the so-called “referendums” which took place illegally in both regions.
We can also well observe “the duality” that accompanies this now-well-rehearsed plan of dismantling ex-soviet republics – “Găgăuzia” & “Transnistria” vs “Luhansk People’s Republic” & “Donetsk People’s Republic” – this is done mainly to overload central government and to cause fatigue. Not only does a government which finds itself in disarray and multiple internal socio-economic problems, but it has to also deal with not one, but two “breakaway republics” which are in full cooperation, even though they portray themselves as separate and distinct.
Locals were being drafted, “workers detachments” were formed, volunteers, ex-convicts – all of them armed with weaponry and military effects. In Dubăsari, these local worker detachments were transformed into a real political police which went on to persecute and exterminate the citizens that were opposing separatism in Moldova.
On the 2nd of November 1990 the first clashes between the Moldovan authorities and the “separatists” took place in Dubăsari, thus starting the war between USSR/Russia and the Republic of Moldova. At 9 A.M. that day, under the leadership of N. Pojidaeva, a group of retired women were brought to protest in the center of the town (Pojidaeva made a name for herself before, after she requested for the Moldovan flag to be taken down from the Raional Soviet, an action which brought her at the District Attorney’s office, during which she declaimed she was under russophobic attacks). The protest grew in size, flanked by the workers detachments, which then got out of control. By midday, the Dubăsari bridge was blocked. Internal Security forces stormed the barricades while being attacked by protesters with bats, clubs, rocks and axes – shots were fired in the air and at the ground, people were injured and 3 were killed by ricocheting bullets.
“Even after more than twenty years, the press from Transnistria, Moscow and Ukraine excelled in presenting the so-called “Moldovan police atrocities” theme, when referring to the Dubăsari Bridge intervention from the 2nd of November” - Ion Costaș (Ministry of Interior, 1990-1992)
On the 25th of August 1991, in a basement, “Transnistria” proclaimed its independence from the R. of Moldova, two days before Moldova proclaimed its independence from the USSR. After doing this, Smirnov (the leader of the separatists) fled to Kiev, hoping for the benevolence of Leonid Kravchuk (President of SSR Ukraine).
The rest of the other figures also flew to Kiev to “hand over a copy of the Declaration of Independence of “PMR” to the Supreme Soviet of Ukraine” with a request to be annexed to Ukraine SSR. They were accomodated at hotel of the Supreme Soviet of the Ukraine Republic and were guarded by the KGB. The request by the General Prosecutor of Moldova to hand over the self-proclaimed leaders of the “PMR” was categorically refused by the Ukrainian counterpart.
On the 27th a task force of Moldovan police force agents arrived in Kiev with the sole purpose of capturing the „separatists”. Panteleev, the leader of the task force, asked for an audience with Andriy Vasylyshyn (Ministry of Interior), but was instead met by lt.gen. Berdov which instead of responding to the request, went on to read about an “attempt on the independence of Ukraine by the Moldovan police” and how “Transnistria was viewed by Ukrainians as the ancestral territory of Ukraine”[11]. Smirnov was eventually captured by the police group after the cooperation of an unknowing Daniliuk, an officer of the General Directorate of Internal Affairs, which phoned an employee in the cabinet of Kravchuk that was supposed to send a car for the „separatists” for an audience.
Vasylishyn then ordered a complete lockdown of the Vinnytsia and Odessa regions with the goal of stopping the task force from bringing Smirnov to Chișinău, but to no avail, the precious ”cargo” was already in Moldova. After this scene worthy of Hollywood, the following days, the media close to Transnistria, Russia and Ukraine went wild with accusations of ”NKVD-style techniques of the Moldovans”.
N.I. Travkin, the president of the Russian Democratic Party was sent on the 29th of September 1991 to Chișinău to free Smirnov, but did not announce his visit and was taken into custody by the Moldovan police. He had been traveling in a car belonging to the 14th Guards Army of the USSR from Tiraspol.
In the past, regarding to Moldova he had stated: “…. if Moldova will leave the Union (USSR), Transnistria will also have the right to self-determination.
Just like Crimea, just like the Russian-speaking part of Kazakhstan. Why should we pretend: we've been living in one state. Once there are new states, there are new borders. Moldova will gain independence, but without Transnistria.”
Basically, fomenting for annexation of Crimea and other parts of soviet republics by RSFSR (Russian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic).
An embargo by ”Transnistria” followed, the rail transports were affected the most, causing suffering for Moldova and Ukraine – this would also later be identified as a means to cause famine and suffering on the opponent side with the clear goal of breaking the will and support of the population. This was corroborated with letters of victimization by Smirnov that portrayed himself as a savior of the people that “could not let suffering be caused by his detainment”.
Smirnov and the others were finally released on the 1st of October after negotiations and the insistent calls of Russian deputies which claimed that the detainee will renounce any plans for separatism and ”Transnistria” will be reintegrated within Moldova. A mistake.
Independence
The Republic of Moldova declared its independence on 27th of August 1991, after being part of the USSR for 47 years as the Soviet Socialist Republic of Moldova and on the 29th, Romania was the first to officially recognize its independence. The country which now represents the Republic is only a part, called Basarabia, of the greater region of Moldova, a constituent part of the Kingdom of Romania in the past and modern-day Romania, which in its original form was comprised of parts from Ukraine as well, mainly Herța (Hertsa), Bucovina de Nord (North Bucovina) and Bugeac (Budjak)(which at the moment of annexation was comprised of 90% ethnic Romanians[12]). After the annexation of Basarabia and the other historical regions of Romania, they were passed, without Basarabia, to SSR Ukraine[13][14].
On the 25th of December 1991, RSFSR was renamed as the Russian Federation and on the 26th, USSR ceased to exist.
Between the 1st of October 1991 and March 1992, several armed clashes between police forces and “guardsmen” of “PMR” with multiple victims registered.
On the 2nd of March 1992, wide clashes started and marked by some as the “real start” of the war. Romania rushed to deescalate the conflict asking for the disarmament of the mercenaries and resolving the conflict through diplomatic measures starting from the inviolability of the borders of the Republic of Moldova and the respecting of the human rights written in the CSCE/OSCE documents. On the 18th of March 1992, Ukraine also offered to mediate the conflict, being concerned for its own security problems in Odessa and other neighboring areas.
Military situation of The Republic of Moldova, “Găgăuzia” and “Transnistria”
In 1992, the Republic of Moldova had no army to speak of. Its only troops were several thousand internal affairs security forces and the secret service ones. Ammunition and weaponry were short and they had limited military equipment in general.
Găgăuzia
It is well known by now that the arming of găgăuz “separatists” was done by the Paratroopers Division Bolgrad with the “benevolent” accord of Moscow, while they were carrying out a mission “to localize and identify deserters”. General Morozov, the commander of the Odessa Military District, introduced two battalions from this division on the territory of Moldova without having a prior accord to do so, at the order of marshal Yazov. It was later found out that these troops had orders to “use any force necessary, including arms” in case of a crackdown of the “referendums” by the Moldovan authorities. Also, non-ethnic găgăuz “volunteers” were being brought inside “Găgăuzia” to form groups of armed individuals, equipped with military attire, which were posted at the entrances of the cities and towns dubbed as being part of breakaway republic. They numbered between 25 to 30 “volunteers”, while at the provisional Committee there was a permanent guard of 40 to 50 combatants. These paramilitary groups were being brought inside Moldova from neighboring “raions” from Odessa[15]. There were also special military detachments of veterans from the Afghan War. Also, in Comrat there was a detachment present which numbered 450 combatants.
Also, in support of Găgăuz separatists, Moscow sent two planes with Internal Affairs forces under the guise of actually helping Chișinău with separatists.
It is worth noting that during the illegal and fake independence process of Găgăuzia, in November 1990, a large column of “volunteers” set in motion from Tiraspol to Comrat with the objective of “defending the brothers from Comrat from Moldavian fascists” while also taking Moldovan hostages along the way, which passed through Ukraine, at one point being escorted towards the Moldovan border by the Ukrainian Miliția (Police). Also, on the 28th of October, two military counterintelligence officers from the Military District of Odessa were taken under arrest while escorting one of the leaders of the găgăuz separatists, Ivan Burgudji, through găgăuz villages, but were later released by Abdurahmanov, the military commander from Cimișlia.
Gorbachev finally released a decree on the 22nd of December 1990 that annulled the găgăuz leadership’s decision for independence, but it was enforced only later, in August 1991. Finally, the breakaway republic was declared an autonomous republic inside Moldova, contrary to its constitution.
Transnistria
Taking advantage of the passivity of the Moldovan government, the breakaway republic established a republican guard made of 8000 fighters, 5000 internal affairs forces (including Dnestr battalion), 4000 territorial rescue detachment people, 3000 to 4000 mercenary Cossacks portrayed as volunteers from Russia and Ukraine and, finally, some 300 convicts released from the prisons of Russia[16]. All these fighters were armed by the 14th Guards Army of the USSR, which numbered 6500 soldiers, also on the side of the breakaway republic, and was comprised of a motorized division, 2 artillery regiments, a tank regiment, an anti-tank regiment, 2 pontoon regiments, a rocket regiment and a helicopter squadron[17].
Prior to this, in the ‘80s the 14th Guards Army was moved from Chișinău to Tiraspol and it had four divisions of Motorized Riflemen and other smaller units. Other constituent parts of the Guards Army were located on the territory of Ukraine. During the whole process of soviet withdrawal from the SSR Moldova, the authorities of the so-called “Transnistrian Republic” requested that the soviet troops remain on the territory of “Transnistria”.
In a letter by Chișinău addressed to the UN, the Moldovans decried the participation of Moscow in ”Transnistria”:
“After the transfer on 3 December of the commander of the 14th Army from Odessa Military District, Lieutenant General G. Iakovlev, to subordinate to the separatist forces in Transnistria, the military detachments and semi-military units of the separatists and Soviet Army units proceeded to the occupation of settlements on the left bank of the Dniester. At the direction of Commander Odessa Military District, General Colonel Ivan Morozov, and with the consent of the USSR Ministry of Defense, detachments were set up in the republic military and paramilitary attack detachments, which terrorize the peaceful population on the Left Bank, resorting to blackmail, dismissal, physical violence and threats to burn down houses.
The military distributes hundreds and thousands of weapons to extremist elements, including people with criminal convictions. In Moldova, the establishment of a military dictatorship has begun in Moldova with a general's coup. We call on parliaments and governments of the world, the UN Security Council, with a request to take firm measures to avoid the outbreak of conflict in this region of Europe which could have tragic consequences. We consider it necessary the sending of permanent observers to the UN Security Council Security Council to the Republic of Moldova.”[18]
End of the war. Neutrality. Modern times 1992-2023
After all the preparations of the USSR, then Russian Federation, with the participation of fighters from various ex-soviet countries on the side of the “PMR”, without any army to speak of and no external help, Moldova succumbed and was finally forced to sign an accord. The “guardsmen” of the ”PMR” terrorized the local population that opposed the so-called independence, crimes were committed, torture, rape and theft – not unlike what Ukraine has suffered, beginning with 2014.
Faced with such a force, Moldova signed on the 21st of July 1992 an agreement with Boris Yeltsin on the principles for a peaceful settlement of the armed conflict in the Dniester region of the Republic of Moldova[19]. This was a de facto defeat which made the ”PMR” an internationally unrecognized independent state within the Republic.
The war took its toll on the Moldovan economy. Soon, poverty, disease and general dissatisfaction arose. The government was in a period of suffering, without experience, as it had been the case in many other eastern bloc countries, they suddenly found themselves in a market economy, from a planned economy with very little-to-no knowledge of capitalism, means of modern production, research and development and the affairs of a democratic state.
In 1994, on the 29th of July, the first constitution of the Republic of Moldova was adopted. In it, through all the pressure, all the interference in the state’s affairs, Russia managed to drive a final nail into the coffin for the future of the Republic of Moldova under the form of an article which assured the “neutrality” of the state, again, not unlike to what Ukraine would discover later:
“Article 11. Republic of Moldova - a neutral State
1.The Republic of Moldova proclaims its permanent neutrality.”
2.The Republic of Moldova shall not allow the dispersal of foreign military troops on its territory.”[20]
Also, the so-called Moldavian language was maintained, with a Latin alphabet and, of course, it was specially stipulated that the state acknowledges and protects the right to the preservation, development and use of the Russian language and other languages spoken within the territory of the State.
The constant propaganda ensured that the position of Moldova would never leave the Russian sphere of influence and when this failed, the constant threat by the Russian “peacekeepers” stationed in the “PMR” long after the agreement to pull them back, the Russian agents which started pro-russian parties, embargos, blackmail, the theft of national funds, would be used - all these contributed to an eternal destabilization of the Republic of Moldova, a never-ending struggle to keep the young state poor, uneducated and malleable.
Between 2001 and 2015, the President of the Republic was elected by the Parliament. In 2000, the communist party returned to power in Moldova and managed to stay there for 8 years. Voronin (the pro-russian leader of the communist party) was replaced as President in 2012.
Generally speaking, Moldova fluctuated between Europe and Russia until 2019, when PAS & DA, forming the NOW platform, took over (later the platform would dissolve).
Maia Sandu won the presidential elections in November 2020, effectively ending the pro-russian rule of Igor Dodon. Since, she has battled with Russian agents like Ilan Shor or Dodon to keep the Republic of Moldova on its European path. Looking forward, her task is monumental indeed.
Conclusions
The war did not start, as many scholars and academics have wrongfully stated in the past, because of ethnic issues, language, or culture – it started by the will of Moscow. The thought, at first, of still saving the Union, then of losing its spheres of influence, brought several wars into the ex-soviet republics, from Transnistria, Găgăuzia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Dagestan, Ingushetia, Chechnya, The Baltics, to Crimea and Donbas – all of these have been the ultimate goal of imperialistic domination, of the concept of integrating them once more into the “Ruskiy Mir”, of Russia being a great power on the global stage while also drawing its resources, as it did in soviet times, from these target countries with the means of supplying an ultra-centralized state revolving around Moscow and Sankt Petersburg.
Sure, the build-up of the war had ethnic elements, especially when speaking about Russia’s involvement, but these were rather used as a false casus belli meant to mask the real intentions. It unfortunately became evident to the Western World only after the second invasion of Ukraine. By the time this had happened, the academic scene was already full of Russian sources, theses and general propaganda, which most journalists and scholars found convenient and easy to continue spreading around. One dissertation after another, one misunderstood article after the next, found democracies searching for answers after 30+ years from the collapse of the Soviet Union.
The chance is now, looking at what Maia Sandu has accomplished in such a short time, following the path of integration in the European Union, to finally stabilize the small country. I believe, as the Moldavians do, as the Romanian state does, that the ”PMR” situation can and should be resolved through diplomatic means – in this instance, any call for military intervention only gives the Kremlin more propaganda, more power, more tools for fearmongering.
After reading this whole article you may begin to understand, if I have done my job well, the layers and nuances of the modern history of the Republic of Moldova, and most of all, one especially important idea: The Republic of Moldova wants to solve its issues peacefully, stated many times, countless times even – neither Romania, nor Ukraine, nor anyone has the right to suggest solving this issue by military means, especially those that have in the past actively supported the separatists – you might understand why this would flare up some emotions, some past scars and why it is sensitive to avoid such statements both for strategic reasons and as a good-neighbor policy.
I dedicate this article to the heroes fallen between 1990 and 1992. From official sources, 287 people were killed and 3500 injured[21][22].
Glorie eternă eroilor căzuți la datorie pentru patrie!
Glory to the Ukrainian heroes that fell since Euromaidan in Ukraine, that are falling as we read these lines and to those that will continue to sacrifice themselves for freedom, independence and democracy!
героям слава!
[1] https://moldova.europalibera.org/a/2068236.html https://moldova.europalibera.org/a/2068236.html
[2] https://historia.ro/sectiune/actualitate/70-de-ani-de-la-deportarile-din-basarabia-si-585150.html
[3] Viorica Olaru, “Deportările din Basarabia, 1940-1941, 1944-1956”, Chișinău, 2013.
[4] https://www.legis.md/cautare/getResults?doc_id=85723&lang=ro#
[5] https://www.britannica.com/topic/flag-of-Moldova
[6] https://stockholm.mae.ro/en/romania/311
[7] https://www.presidency.ro/ro/presedinte/romania/imnul-romaniei
[8] Ion Costaș, “Transnistria 1989-1992: Cronica unui război “nedeclarat””, București 2012, Ed. RAO, page 172.
[9] Mihai Grecu, Anatol Țăranu, ”Politica De Epurare Lingvistică În Transnistria”, Cluj Napoca, 2005, Ed. Napoca Star, page 14.
[10] Ion Costaș, “Transnistria 1989-1992: Cronica unui război “nedeclarat””, București 2012, Ed. RAO, page 139.
[11] Ibid, page 269.
[12] Alexandru Tănase, “Prezența miltară rusească în Republica Moldova prin prisma jurisprudenței CEDO” in Journal of the History and Geography Department,“Ion Creangă””, Pedagogical State University, Ed. ARC, Vol. 9, no. 2, 2021, page 28.
[13] Mihai Grecu, Anatol Țăranu, ”Politica De Epurare Lingvistică În Transnistria”, Cluj Napoca, 2005, Ed. Napoca Star, page 11.
[14] Cristina Văcaru, ”Resolution Mechanisms of the Transnistrian Conflict” in ”Romanian Political Science Review, 6(4)”, 2006, page 906.
[15] Ion Costaș, “Transnistria 1989-1992: Cronica unui război “nedeclarat””, București 2012, Ed. RAO, page 148.
[16] Larisa Noroc, Alexandru Noroc, “Războiul de pe Nistru şi conflictele înghețate din spațiul postsovietic” in the Journal of the History and Geography Department,“Ion Creangă””, Pedagogical State University, Ed. ARC, Vol. 9, no. 2, 2021, page 139.
[17] Victor Catan, “Suveranitatea Republicii Moldova între război şi pace” in the Journal of the History and Geography Department,“Ion Creangă””, Pedagogical State University, Ed. ARC, Vol. 9, no. 2, 2021, page 14.
[18] Ion Costaș, “Transnistria 1989-1992: Cronica unui război “nedeclarat””, București 2012, Ed. RAO, page 317.
[19] https://peacemaker.un.org/moldova-peacefullsettlementdniestr92
[20] https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Moldova_2016?lang=en
[21] https://moldova.europalibera.org/a/24619507.html
[22] https://www.prospect.md/ro/history/monumente-si-memoriale/monumentul-victimelor-in-razboiul-din-transnistria.html